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|    alt.politics.economics    |    "Its the economy, stupid"    |    345,374 messages    |
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|    Message 343,537 of 345,374    |
|    davidp to All    |
|    =?UTF-8?Q?He=E2=80=99s_a_Brutal_Dictator    |
|    11 Apr 23 21:09:50    |
      From: lessgovt@gmail.com              He’s a Brutal Dictator, and One of the West’s Best Friends       By Anjan Sundaram, April 11, 2023, NY Times       His grip on power is nearly unassailable. Since becoming president over two       decades ago, he has extended constitutional term limits, shut down the free       press and clamped down on dissent. Reporters have been driven into exile, even       killed; opposition        figures have been imprisoned or found dead. His country has been reduced to       tyranny.              But this dictator isn’t a pariah, like Putin of Russia or Bashar al-Assad of       Syria. Instead, he’s one of the West’s best and most reliable friends:       Paul Kagame, president of Rwanda. Since coming to power in 1994, Kagame has       won his way into the        West’s good graces. He’s been invited to speak — on human rights, no       less — at universities such as Harvard, Yale and Oxford, and praised by       prominent political leaders including Bill Clinton, Tony Blair and the former       U.N. general secretary Ban        Ki-moon.              It doesn’t end there. Kagame’s Western friends include FIFA, which held       its annual congress at a shiny sports complex in Kigali in March, and the       N.B.A., whose African Basketball League plays in Rwanda. Europe’s largest       carmaker, Volkswagen, runs        an assembly plant in Rwanda, and major international organizations such as the       Gates Foundation and the World Economic Forum are close partners. Western       donors finance a whopping 70 percent of Rwanda’s national budget.              But perhaps Kagame’s greatest endorsement is a deal with the British       government to receive asylum seekers deported from Britain. This controversial       bargain, which may contravene international law, has cemented Rwanda’s       reputation as a steadfast        partner of Western countries. Far from the authoritarian holdout it is,       Kagame’s Rwanda is now hailed as a haven for people fleeing dictatorship.              Kagame owes much of his success to his skilled political rhetoric, an art form       Rwandans call “ubwenge.” In news conferences where Rwandan journalists,       aware of the risks faced by less pliant colleagues, throw him softball       questions, Kagame shines.        Often, his target is the West. He consistently voices an anti-imperialist       message about how Europe is “violating people’s rights” and berates the       West’s “superiority complex.”              This posture makes him a leading avatar of a new type of postcolonial ruler.       Other populist nationalist presidents such as Erdogan of Turkey, López       Obrador of Mexico and Modi of India also rally their populations behind       similar sentiments, elevating        themselves as world leaders no longer beholden to the West. Often at the heart       of their defiant speeches are references to old crimes — massacres,       genocides and expropriations committed by European empires that date back as       far as the 16th century.              Such appeals work because Western leaders still offer only grudging       “regrets” for such atrocities and rarely apologize, partly out of fear       that their nations will have to cough up huge sums in reparations. This allows       the grievances to live on. Many        in former colonies still feel those past humiliations as viscerally present,       manifest today in institutions that are dominated by Western interests, such       as the World Bank and the IMF, or in international trade and aid negotiations.       Postcolonial leaders        such as Kagame find much popularity in their insistence that the West should       atone for its history, however improbable that might be.              The price of avoiding apologies, though, is that Western leaders find their       moral authority diminished. Instead, they engage in placatory behaviors —       offering praise and partnership, rather than condemnation. Perhaps nowhere is       this dynamic clearer        than in Rwanda, where Kagame’s leverage with Western leaders is particularly       strong because the country’s grievances are recent. He is very adept at       guilt-tripping the West, and his jabs hit home hard.              Rwanda’s 1994 genocide — during which nearly one million Rwandans, many of       them ethnic Tutsis, were killed — was perpetrated under the noses of United       Nations peacekeepers, who diligently filed reports on the killings while       seemingly impotent to        prevent them. Although Kagame’s former ambassador to the US and other       political allies have accused him of “sparking” Rwanda’s genocide and       doing little to prevent it, he has cast himself as the hero who ended it.              In the event of criticism, Kagame’s tried-and-tested tactic is to rebut any       Western leader who has the temerity to sermonize to poorer nations about       democracy, human rights and the rule of law. His rhetoric resonates in a world       desperate for African        success stories, not least in the West. Back in 2011, the journalist Tristan       McConnell described how Western support for Kagame was driven by “a       genuinely felt desire to fight the image of a basket-case continent.” The       year after, Time magazine        called Kagame “the embodiment of a new Africa.”              Behind the lionization lies a darker truth. Since taking power in 1994 as       commander in chief of the Rwandan military, and later as president, Kagame has       all but rigged elections, taking almost 99% of the vote in 2017. Many of his       opponents have        disappeared, in some cases found murdered, in one case virtually beheaded. The       self-styled hero who supposedly ended the Rwandan genocide was also in command       of an army that the U.N. has alleged was responsible for killing tens, perhaps       hundreds of        thousands of Hutus and for potential acts of “genocide” after twice       invading the Democratic Republic of Congo.              Yet no matter the historical record, Kagame creates an alternate reality in       which the West is to blame for his country’s ills and he is its brave       champion. This anti-imperialist narrative trumps reports of dissidents and       journalists being harassed,        imprisoned or forced into exile. It doesn’t help that accurate information       about the country is hard to come by: Kagame bans critical foreign reporters,       ensuring that the international media often repeats government propaganda.                     [continued in next message]              --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05        * Origin: you cannot sedate... all the things you hate (1:229/2)    |
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