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|    alt.politics.radical-left    |    The most extreme of mental disorders    |    27,777 messages    |
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|    Message 26,958 of 27,777    |
|    Leroy N. Soetoro to All    |
|    TikTok should lose its big Supreme Court    |
|    06 Jan 25 22:56:49    |
      [continued from previous message]              dubious ties to a foreign nation, a carefully crafted decision permitting       the US government to bar foreign ownership of major media platforms would       not alter the existing balance of power between private citizens and their       government.              What is the First Amendment supposed to accomplish?       It’s easy to get bogged down in the weeds of First Amendment doctrine       while thinking about the TikTok case. TikTok argues that this case should       be viewed no differently than if the government had targeted Bezos’s       ownership of the Washington Post due to a dispute over domestic politics,       and thus that the federal law should receive the most skeptical level of       constitutional scrutiny. Srinivasan has argued that the government’s long       history of barring foreign control of US communications infrastructure       calls for a less skeptical approach (known as “intermediate scrutiny”).       The Justice Department, in a brief submitted last month, argues that the       federal law “does not implicate the First Amendment” at all, claiming that       a foreign company like ByteDance has “no First Amendment rights” to begin       with.              Rather than dive too deep into these weeds, however, it’s probably best to       view the TikTok case through the lens of first principles. One of the       primary purposes of the First Amendment is to prevent the government, with       its vast array of law enforcement officers who could arrest or kill anyone       who antagonizes political leaders, from using its power to control public       opinion.              In this sense, the government is unlike any private company or individual,       no matter how powerful that private entity may be, because only the       government has a monopoly on the legitimate use of force. As the Court       recently reaffirmed in Moody v. Netchoice (2024), “on the spectrum of       dangers to free expression, there are few greater than allowing the       government to change the speech of private actors in order to achieve its       own conception of speech nirvana.”              RelatedThe Supreme Court will decide if the government can seize control       of YouTube and Twitter       Netchoice squarely presented the question of who should prevail when       elected officials believe that a powerful media company is using its       influence over public discourse unwisely. That case repudiated a Texas law       that would have seized control of content moderation at social media       platforms like YouTube or Twitter, due to concerns that, in Texas Gov.       Greg Abbott’s words, those platforms were attempting to “silence       conservative viewpoints and ideas.”              Whatever you think of Abbott’s specific concerns, a reasonable lawmaker       quite easily could conclude that media executives like Mark Zuckerberg or       Elon Musk wield too much control over political discourse in the United       States. Nor is it hard to understand why such a lawmaker might want to       reduce their influence.              Nevertheless, Netchoice reaffirmed the longstanding First Amendment rule       that, no matter how much anyone might be offended by a media company’s       decisions, the solution cannot come from the government. Elected officials       have too much of a conflict of interest when they attempt to shape       political discourse. And the government’s ability to arrest or kill       dissidents makes it different in kind from even the wealthiest       corporations.              But TikTok involves an entirely different question than Netchoice. The       Court’s First Amendment cases largely rest on the proposition that our       government must not be allowed certain powers because governments are       inherently capable of overpowering private companies and citizens unless       the government is legally restrained. But what happens when the US       government wants to check the authority of another country’s government —       a foreign adversary with its own array of law enforcement and military       personnel at its command?              Lest there be any doubt, the First Amendment does not give the government       unlimited power to suppress ideas that originate overseas. In Lamont v.       Postmaster General (1965), for example, the Supreme Court struck down a       law restricting mail deemed to be “communist political propaganda” that       originated from a foreign country.              But it’s one thing for the Soviet Union to mail copies of The Communist       Manifesto to individual Americans in the 1960s. It’s another thing       altogether for a foreign adversary to potentially be able to control a       massive communications platform with 170 million American users, nearly       all of whom will be completely oblivious to whether the Chinese government       is collecting their data or manipulating which content they see.              The latter situation, as Srinivasan argues, is far closer to the more-       than-a-century-old ban on foreign control of US radio stations than it is       to the law struck down in Lamont. And these sorts of bans on foreign       control of US communications infrastructure have not historically been       understood to violate the First Amendment. Nor, as the Radio Act of 1912       demonstrates, are they anything new.              All of which is a long way of saying that a well-drafted, narrowly       tailored Supreme Court opinion permitting the government to ban foreign       ownership of major US communications platforms — and nothing else — would       not be a constitutional earthquake. Indeed, such an opinion would merely       maintain the status quo.                     --       November 5, 2024 - Congratulations President Donald Trump. We look       forward to America being great again.              The disease known as Kamala Harris has been effectively treated and       eradicated.              We live in a time where intelligent people are being silenced so that       stupid people won't be offended.              Durham Report: The FBI has an integrity problem. It has none.              Thank you for cleaning up the disaster of the 2008-2017 Obama / Biden       fiasco, President Trump.              Under Barack Obama's leadership, the United States of America became the       The World According To Garp. Obama sold out heterosexuals for Hollywood       queer liberal democrat donors.              --- SoupGate-DOS v1.05        * Origin: you cannot sedate... all the things you hate (1:229/2)    |
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