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   Democratic accusations that America is endemically racist are   
   becoming ever more frequent and strident. At the last   
   presidential debate, Pete Buttigieg announced that “systemic   
   racism” will “be with us” regardless of who wins the presidency;   
   Beto O’Rourke claimed that racism in America is “foundational”   
   and that people of color were under “mortal threat” from the   
   “white supremacist in the White House”; Julián Castro denounced   
   the growing threat of “white supremacy”; and Cory Booker called   
   for “attacking systemic racism,” especially in the “racially   
   biased” criminal-justice system.   
      
   At the same time, the allowable explanations for racial   
   disparities have shrunk to one: that self-same racism. During   
   this month’s debate, Joe Biden tried to suggest that some poor   
   parents could benefit from instruction regarding optimal child-   
   rearing practices: “We [should] bring social workers into homes   
   of parents to help them deal with how to raise their children.   
   It’s not that they don’t want to help, they don’t want — they   
   don’t know quite what to do,” he said. Biden was invoking one of   
   the Obama administration’s key anti-poverty initiatives. Home-   
   visiting programs pair nurses and other social service workers   
   with pregnant women and new mothers to teach them parenting   
   skills. Progressive activists have demanded and won hundreds of   
   millions of federal dollars for such programs, yet pundits have   
   denounced Biden’s “horrifyingly racist answer,” in the words of   
   The Intercept, and called for him to pull out of the   
   presidential primary because of it. Buttigieg sniffed that   
   Biden’s statement was “well-intentioned” but “bad,” since it   
   ignored the fact that “racial inequity” in this country was “put   
   into place on purpose.”   
      
   In today’s political climate, Barack Obama’s 2008 Father’s Day   
   speech in Chicago would be deemed an unforgivable outburst of   
   white supremacy. “If we are honest with ourselves,” Obama told   
   his audience in a South Side church, Americans will admit that   
   too many fathers are “missing—missing from too many lives and   
   too many homes. They have abandoned their responsibilities,   
   acting like boys instead of men.” In the current frenzy of   
   intersectional rhetoric, any such reference to personal   
   responsibility brands the speaker as irredeemably bigoted.   
      
   Yet key parts of the intersectional narrative are not born out   
   by data. It is now a standard trope, implanted in freshmen   
   summer reading lists through the works of Ta-Nehesi Coates and   
   others, that whites pose a severe, if not mortal, threat to   
   blacks. That may have once been true, but it is no longer so   
   today. Just this month, the Bureau of Justice Statistics   
   released its 2018 survey of criminal victimization. According to   
   the study, there were 593,598 interracial violent victimizations   
   (excluding homicide) between blacks and whites last year,   
   including white-on-black and black-on-white attacks. Blacks   
   committed 537,204 of those interracial felonies, or 90 percent,   
   and whites committed 56,394 of them, or less than 10 percent.   
   That ratio is becoming more skewed, despite the Democratic claim   
   of Trump-inspired white violence. In 2012-13, blacks committed   
   85 percent of all interracial victimizations between blacks and   
   whites; whites committed 15 percent. From 2015 to 2018, the   
   total number of white victims and the incidence of white   
   victimization have grown as well.   
      
   Blacks are also overrepresented among perpetrators of hate   
   crimes—by 50 percent—according to the most recent Justice   
   Department data from 2017; whites are underrepresented by 24   
   percent. This is particularly true for anti-gay and anti-Semitic   
   hate crimes.   
      
   You would never know such facts from the media or from   
   Democratic talking points. This summer, three shockingly violent   
   mob attacks on white victims in downtown Minneapolis were   
   captured by surveillance video. On August 3, in broad daylight,   
   a dozen black assailants, some as young as 15, tried to take a   
   man’s cellphone, viciously beating and kicking him as he lay on   
   the ground. They jumped on his torso like a trampoline, stripped   
   his shoes and pants off as they riffled through his pockets,   
   smashed a planter pot on his head, and rode a bike over his   
   prostrate body. On August 17, another large group kicked and   
   punched their victim until he was unconscious, stealing his   
   phone, wallet, keys, and cash. In July, two men were set upon in   
   similar fashion. Such attacks have risen more than 50 percent in   
   downtown Minneapolis this year.   
      
   The Minneapolis media have paid fleeting attention to these   
   videos; the mainstream national media, almost none (CNN blamed   
   the attacks on police understaffing and ignored the evident   
   racial hatred that was the most salient aspect of the attacks).   
   This year’s installments of the usual flash mob rampages on   
   Chicago’s Magnificent Mile and in Baltimore’s Inner Harbor have   
   also been ignored. If the race of perpetrators and victims in   
   any of these incidents were reversed, there would be a universal   
   uproar, with public figures across the board denouncing “white   
   supremacist” violence and calling for a national reckoning   
   regarding white racism. But because the violence does not fit   
   the standard narrative about American race relations, it is kept   
   carefully off stage.   
      
   In 2008, Barack Obama was able to connect such lawlessness to   
   family breakdown. “Children who grow up without a father are   
   five times more likely to live in poverty and commit crime; nine   
   times more likely to drop out of schools and twenty times more   
   likely to end up in prison,” he pointed out in his Chicago   
   speech. Today’s taboo on acknowledging the behavioral roots of   
   criminal-justice system involvement, multi-generational poverty,   
   and the academic-achievement gap is not a civil rights advance.   
   To the contrary, it will ensure that racial disparities persist,   
   where they can be milked by opportunistic politicians and   
   activists seeking to parade their own alleged racial sensitivity   
   and to deflect attention away from the cultural changes that   
   must occur for full racial parity to be realized.   
      
   https://www.city-journal.org/democratic-candidates-racism-crime   
       
      
   --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05   
    * Origin: you cannot sedate... all the things you hate (1:229/2)