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|    alt.politics.communism    |    Whats yours is mine...    |    8,857 messages    |
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|    Message 7,560 of 8,857    |
|    Baldoni |
|    Pope John Paul defeated Communism    |
|    11 Jul 07 21:09:53    |
      XPost: alt.politics.british, soc.history.medieval, alt.politics.socialism       From: @googlemail.com              If you've been watching television or reading newspapers at all over       the past week, it would have been difficult not to learn that the late       Pope John Paul II helped "defeat" communism. The pope has been said to       have "sparked the fall of communism," to have "stared down communism"       or to have "championed communism's collapse." Some give him only       partial credit: "Pope, Reagan collaborated to halt communism," read one       headline. Others make it sound as if he actually manned the barricades,       describing him as the pope who "helped overthrow communism."              Most of the time, these descriptions of the pope's role in the collapse       of communism are vague, and perhaps as a result much confusion has       crept into the conversation. An acquaintance this week had a telephone       call from a reporter who wanted to talk about how the pope secretly       negotiated the end of communism with Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev.       In real life, the pope's role in the end of the communist regime was       far less conspiratorial, but no less significant -- which is why it       might be worth remembering what it was, actually, that he did.              In essence, the pope made two contributions to the defeat of       totalitarian communism, a system in which the state claimed ownership       of all or most physical property -- factories, farms, houses -- and       also held a monopoly on intellectual life. No one was allowed to own a       private business, in other words, and no one was allowed to express       belief in any philosophy besides Marxism. The church, first in Poland       and then elsewhere, broke these two monopolies, offering people a safe       place to meet and intellectually offering them an alternative way of       thinking about the world.              Here's how it worked: When I lived in Poland in the late 1980s, I was       told that if I wanted to know what was going on, I'd have to go every       week to a particular Warsaw church and pick up a copy of the city's       weekly underground newspaper. Equally, if I wanted to see an exhibition       of paintings that were not the work of the regime's artists, or a play       that was not approved by the regime's censors, I could go to an       exhibition or a performance in a church basement. The priests didn't       write the newspapers, or paint the paintings, or act in the plays --       none of which were necessarily religious -- but they made their space       and resources available for the people who did. And in helping to       create what we now call "civil society," these priests were following       the example of the pope who, as a young man in Nazi-occupied Poland,       secretly studied for the priesthood and also founded an underground       theater.              Odd though it sounds, the Polish church's "alternative thinking" wasn't       an entirely religious phenomenon either. Marxism, as it was practiced       in Eastern Europe, was a cult of progress. We are destroying the past       in order to build the future, the communist leaders explained: We are       razing the buildings, eradicating the traditions and collectivizing the       land to make a new kind of society and to shape a new kind of citizen.       But when the pope came to Poland, he talked not just of God but also of       history. During his trips, he commemorated the 1,000th anniversary of       the death of Saint Adalbert, the 600th anniversary of Poland's oldest       university or the 40th anniversary of the Warsaw ghetto uprising. I       once heard him speak at length on the life of Sister Kinga, a       13th-century nun. This was deliberate. "Fidelity to roots does not mean       a mechanical copying of the patterns of the past," he said in one of       his Polish speeches: "Fidelity to roots is always creative, ready to       descend into the depths, open to new challenges."              I don't mean here to play down the pope's spirituality. But it so       happens that John Paul's particular way of expressing his faith --       publicly, openly, and with many cultural and historical references --       was explosive in countries whose regimes tried to control both culture       and history, along with everything else.              Finally, this pope also made an impact thanks to his unusual ability --       derived from charisma and celebrity as well as faith -- to get people       out on the streets. As Natan Sharansky and others have written,       communist regimes achieved their greatest successes when they were able       to atomize people, to keep them apart and keep them afraid. But when       the pope first visited Poland in 1979, he was greeted not by a handful       of little old ladies, as the country's leaders predicted, but by       millions of people of all ages. My husband, 16 years old at the time,       remembers climbing a tree on the outskirts of an airfield near Gniezno       where the pope was saying Mass and seeing an endless crowd, "three       kilometers in every direction." The regime -- its leaders, its police       -- were nowhere visible: "There were so many of us, and so few of       them." That was also the trip in which the pope kept repeating, "Don't       be afraid."              It wasn't a coincidence that Poles found the courage, a year later, to       organize Solidarity, the first mass anticommunist political movement.       It wasn't a coincidence that "civil society" began to organize itself       in other communist countries as well: If it could happen in Poland, it       could happen in Hungary or East Germany. Nor was it necessary, in 1989,       for the pope to do deals with Gorbachev, since in 1979 he had already       demonstrated the hollowness of the Soviet Union's claims to moral       superiority. He didn't need to conduct secret negotiations, because       he'd already shown that the most important things could be said in       public. He didn't need to man the barricades, in other words, because       he had already shown people that they could walk right through them.              (anne applebaum)              http://antibritishcommunits.blogspot.com/              --       Count Baldoni              --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05        * Origin: you cannot sedate... all the things you hate (1:229/2)    |
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