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|    soc.culture.british    |    British culture (and odd mannerisms)    |    77,647 messages    |
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|    Message 77,308 of 77,647    |
|    NefeshBarYochai to All    |
|    How the ICC case against Israeli leaders    |
|    29 May 24 20:28:24    |
      XPost: uk.legal, soc.culture.jewish, comp.misc       XPost: alt.politics.democrats, alt.atheism       From: void@invalid.noy              The request for international arrest warrants against Israel’s Prime       Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and war minister Yoav Gallant, alongside       three Hamas leaders, came as a surprise to many, not least of which       Israel. For what was likely a first, its top leaders were being       confronted judicially for their violations of international law.               Although Israel had been spying on the International Criminal Court       (ICC) for years, as revealed in a recent exposé by The Guardian, the       outrage Netanyahu displayed betrayed indignation at the fact that the       wall of impunity for Israeli leaders was showing signs of cracking.              For Palestinians, the news was long-awaited. Palestinian human rights       groups have been tirelessly campaigning for such a move for years.              The door was opened for an investigation to take place of Israeli       crimes when Palestine first signed on to the Rome Statute in 2014,       which is constituent of the ICC. Israel refrained from signing that       same Statute in 2002 due to fears of being the subject of prosecutions       over the illegal status of its settlements in Palestinian territories.       But when Palestine joined, Israeli violations of international law       could be prosecuted because they took place on internationally       recognized Palestinian land.              Palestinian and international jurists have been building the case for       Israeli crimes that have been committed after 2014, since the court       only investigates crimes committed during the time of a country’s       membership.              “We have been submitting documentation of Israeli crimes during major       events that extend beyond the current genocide,” Tahseen Alian, senior       researcher at the Palestinian human rights group Al-Haq, told       Mondoweiss. “We’ve made this case at the ICC over crimes Israel       committed in military assaults on Gaza in 2014 and 2021, in the       killing and maiming of peaceful protesters during the Great March of       Return in 2019 and 2020, and in the ongoing settlement building,       confiscation of land, and population transfer — both the forcible       transfer of Palestinians out of their lands and the transfer of       Israelis into settlements in the West Bank.”              Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention states that it’s illegal       for an occupying power to transfer its own civilians to live in       occupied territory, making all Israeli settlements in the West Bank       and East Jerusalem illegal and amounting to a war crime, which has       been ongoing since 1967.              “The fact that the ICC focused only on the current period might seem       disappointing to some, but it’s very difficult to see a prosecution of       every Israeli crime and every Israeli official implicated at once,”       Alian said. “But this is a start. It is the beginning of       accountability for the occupation in an unprecedented way.”              The request for the arrest warrants is particularly significant given       the long and difficult process of Palestinian advocacy at the ICC. For       five years after joining the Rome Statute, Palestinians demanded the       ICC to open an investigation into Israeli crimes. Alian points out       that in private meetings, representatives of the ICC told Palestinian       jurists that they would need to wait many years before the court       decided to investigate Palestine’s case.              A legal field riddled with political landmines       The fact that this ICC case has even been able to get off the ground       is due to a confluence of factors that have not existed since 2014.              “These legal procedures are intertwined with politics,” Alian       explains. “And the entire international legal system is politicized,       so the political moment is important for any legal move.”              Changes in the political context, therefore, are what allowed for the       ICC case to move forward.              “A political moment was created in which the ICC could act,” Alian       says. “This includes the fact that, at this moment, there is a       disagreement between Israel and the U.S. on the way the war is being       conducted, and there is intense pressure from within Israeli society       and the Israeli political class on Netanyahu.”              Alian adds that the fact that the October 7 attacks caused so many       Israeli casualties enabled the ICC to also prosecute Hamas leaders,       which made it easier for it to claim to be “fair” when it chose to       prosecute Israeli leaders. This, in addition to U.S.-Israeli and       intra-Israeli conflict, is what made Karim Khan’s announcement last       week possible. But had the groundwork for it not been laid in previous       years, it might not have materialized.              Even though that groundwork started after Palestine joined the Rome       Statute, the first breakthrough for Palestine at the ICC began to       appear four years ago in December 2019. Then-ICC Chief Prosecutor       Fatou Bensouda announced the opening of a formal investigation into       potential war crimes in Palestine. Bensouda’s successor and current       chief prosecutor, Karim Khan, delayed the investigation on Palestine’s       file, moving it down the priority list ever since he took office in       2021.              “Karim Khan gave the impression that he was uninterested in the       Palestine file, but we know that the ICC came under huge pressure from       several countries to avoid investigating Palestine,” Alian indicates.       “This pressure has always been there, and was faced by the Palestinian       Authority, too, since 2009, when Palestine first requested to join the       Rome Statute and faced pressure from European countries to stand       down.”              “Palestine did not stand down,” Alian adds. “But the ICC refused its       petition to join on the grounds that Palestine wasn’t recognized as a       state.”              That same pressure continues and may, in fact, increase in the coming       months. In the days before the ICC prosecutor’s announcement, and as       Israel braced for the move, Israel told U.S. officials that if arrest       warrants were issued against its leaders, Israel would consider the       Palestinian Authority responsible and take retaliatory measures       against it. These measures would include the complete freezing of       customs money belonging to the PA (on whose behalf Israel collects as       part of the Oslo Accords, representing at least 61% of the PA’s       budget).              “This has always been a tool of political pressure in the hands of the       occupation,” Alian points out, explaining that in previous occasions,       Israel would choke the PA financially, and then European countries and       the U.S. would offer the PA to reanimate negotiations and increase aid       in exchange for dropping a legal case. “So far, the PA’s diplomatic       officials and legal experts have all affirmed that they are insisting       on going all the way at ICC.”              Since the PA is the signatory to the Rome Statute, it is Palestine’s       legal representative before member states of the ICC. But behind the              [continued in next message]              --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05        * Origin: you cannot sedate... all the things you hate (1:229/2)    |
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