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|    soc.culture.british    |    British culture (and odd mannerisms)    |    77,646 messages    |
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|    Message 77,319 of 77,646    |
|    NefeshBarYochai to All    |
|    Do you condemn Hamas? (1/2)    |
|    06 Jun 24 21:27:24    |
      XPost: uk.legal, soc.culture.jewish, alt.news-media       XPost: alt.politics.democrats, alt.atheism       From: void@invalid.noy              This question became seemingly ubiquitous following October 7. As       Palestinians defied the imagination, breaking out of Gaza after over a       decade and a half of living under total air, land, and sea blockade,       many found themselves having to face this question.              Whether it be from Zionists using the violence we witnessed on that       day as a means of creating story after story of atrocity propaganda —       to force well-meaning allies into a corner or even those who genuinely       considered themselves pro-Palestine who struggled with the reality of       decolonial violence — the question of whether or not Palestinian armed       resistance factions deserved support or criticism became a major point       of contention. It was easy for many to support the cause of       Palestinian liberation when they viewed Palestinians as perfect       victims, but when Palestinians fought back, suddenly the question of       solidarity became muddled.              Months later, after tens of thousands of Palestinians have been       murdered by Israeli Occupation Forces in Gaza amid an ongoing       genocide, and after thousands in the West Bank have found themselves       imprisoned or under regular attack, sympathy for those resisting their       own annihilation has grown, with the conversation becoming more clear       than it was in the days proceeding October 7. As videos spread by       resistance factions across Gaza and Lebanon find a regular and       enthusiastic audience and chants in support of those putting their       lives on the line take root in protests nationwide, it is clear many       have grown to accept the necessity of armed struggle in the       Palestinian context, though a true consensus has yet to be achieved.              To that end, the answer to the question “Do you condemn Hamas?,”       particularly for those of us on the Left as we analyze the history of       Palestine and why resistance occurs in a colonial context, should have       always been clear.              A violent phenomenon              As Frantz Fanon’s oft-cited statement from Wretched of the Earth has       made clear, national liberation, national reawakening, restoration of       the nation to the Commonwealth, whatever the name used, whatever the       latest expression — decolonization is always a violent event.       Palestine is not an exception to this reality.              The colonization of Palestine by Zionists, like all colonialism       throughout history, brought with it widespread and constant violence       levied in all forms against the Palestinian people. This was by       design, as the very nature of settler colonialism is a necessarily       brutal one given the end goal of the wholesale elimination of the       Indigenous population in all forms but nostalgia. This violence does       not simply manifest itself through the military campaigns waged by       Zionist settlers and the Israeli occupation army, but through every       part of the colonial endeavor itself — an endeavor that can only be       sustained through the suffering, exploitation, repression, and death       of Palestinians and all else that the colony wishes to conquer.              Palestinians, whether in Occupied Palestine, in refugee camps in       bordering nations, or in the diaspora around the world, are forced       every single day to wrestle with the reality of this settler colonial       violence. The very existence of the Zionist project poses an       existential threat to the lives of millions, who have in some cruel       twist of reality been deemed existential threats by the project for       the simple reason that their existence undermines its legitimacy.              This violence does not occur without resistance. Throughout history,       whether it be in Algeria, South Africa, Ireland, or Palestine,       colonized people have risen up in the face of brutal violence to free       themselves from the shackles of their own oppression. This resistance       does not generally start as armed struggle, but through civil       disobedience, protests, general strikes, and similar tactics. Yet when       these tactics fail, as they often have, or when exceptional violence       is waged against the people in response, armed struggle becomes a       necessity.              The colonial power, its legitimacy owed solely to the force it       undertakes to maintain its existence, creates the conditions for the       resistance that will rise against it. The more violence and repression       colonized people face, the more they resist. Violent resistance       becomes mainstream out of sheer necessity given their material       conditions. This creates a cycle of violence, one perpetuated first       and foremost by the violence of the colonial entity itself.              Even before the official foundation of the Zionist project in 1948,       this cycle was well established. The Balfour Declaration came into       existence in 1917, signifying Britain’s official endorsement of       Zionist aspirations. By 1929, a fifth of Palestinians found themselves       landless. By the 1930s, many Palestinians found themselves unemployed       and economically destitute, as Zionist capital, backed by favorable       imperial British laws and treatment, began flowing ever more       intensively into Palestine, according to Ghassan Kanafani’s seminal       work on the 1936 Great Palestinian Revolt.              These factors spurred resistance of their own variety, including the       Buraq Uprising of 1929, efforts by Palestinians to pool resources to       purchase land, sporadic violence, as well as Palestinian notables       lobbying for better treatment from their British overlords. This blend       of violent and non-violent efforts would all be suppressed or       ultimately met with limited success.              In 1936, when British forces murdered Syrian revolutionary figure       Shaykh ‘Izz al-Din al-Qassam, Palestinian popular resentment turned       into a general strike, and ultimately into popular revolt, which was       put down brutally by Zionist and British forces by 1939. Only a few       years later, Zionists would ethnically cleanse more than 750,000       Palestinians from upwards of 530 cities, towns, and villages and kill       thousands more in what Palestinians refer to as the Nakba, or the       “catastrophe”. These ethnic cleansing campaigns continue up to the       modern day.              Palestinians would rise up as a result of the subjugation they faced,       again through a combination of violent and non-violent struggle that       would be met with even more violent oppression. When Palestinians       waged cross-border raids into occupied territory, they were met with a       Zionist invasion in Lebanon and massacres at Sabra and Shatila. When       Palestinians rose up during the First and Second Intifadas, they were       met with violent crackdowns, mass arrests, and widespread violence       that would lead to the intensification of their own violent resistance       efforts. When Palestinians in Gaza took to marching to the wall that       surrounded them in the March of Great Return, hundreds were killed and              [continued in next message]              --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05        * Origin: you cannot sedate... all the things you hate (1:229/2)    |
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