XPost: alt.tv.pol-incorrect, alt.politics.usa, alt.fan.rush-limbaugh   
   XPost: alt.non.racism, soc.culture.african.american   
   From: echolot@pinger.com   
      
   On 06/01/2016 05:13 AM, Ubiquitous wrote:   
   > Heather Mac Donald   
   >   
   > For almost two years, a protest movement known as “Black Lives   
   > Matter” has convulsed the nation. Triggered by the police shooting   
   > of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, in August 2014, the Black   
   > Lives Matter movement holds that racist police officers are the   
   > greatest threat facing young black men today. This belief has   
   > triggered riots, “die-ins,” the murder and attempted murder of   
   > police officers, a campaign to eliminate traditional grand jury   
   > proceedings when police use lethal force, and a presidential task   
   > force on policing.   
   >   
   > Even though the U.S. Justice Department has resoundingly disproven   
   > the lie that a pacific Michael Brown was shot in cold blood while   
   > trying to surrender, Brown is still venerated as a martyr. And now   
   > police officers are backing off of proactive policing in the face of   
   > the relentless venom directed at them on the street and in the   
   > media. As a result, violent crime is on the rise.   
   >   
   > The need is urgent, therefore, to examine the Black Lives Matter   
   > movement’s central thesis—that police pose the greatest threat to   
   > young black men. I propose two counter hypotheses: first, that there   
   > is no government agency more dedicated to the idea that black lives   
   > matter than the police; and second, that we have been talking   
   > obsessively about alleged police racism over the last 20 years in   
   > order to avoid talking about a far larger problem—black-on-black   
   > crime.   
   >   
   > Let’s be clear at the outset: police have an indefeasible obligation   
   > to treat everyone with courtesy and respect, and to act within the   
   > confines of the law. Too often, officers develop a hardened,   
   > obnoxious attitude. It is also true that being stopped when you are   
   > innocent of any wrongdoing is infuriating, humiliating, and   
   > sometimes terrifying. And needless to say, every unjustified police   
   > shooting of an unarmed civilian is a stomach-churning tragedy.   
   >   
   > Given the history of racism in this country and the complicity of   
   > the police in that history, police shootings of black men are   
   > particularly and understandably fraught. That history informs how   
   > many people view the police. But however intolerable and inexcusable   
   > every act of police brutality is, and while we need to make sure   
   > that the police are properly trained in the Constitution and in   
   > courtesy, there is a larger reality behind the issue of policing,   
   > crime, and race that remains a taboo topic. The problem of black-   
   > on-black crime is an uncomfortable truth, but unless we acknowledge   
   > it, we won’t get very far in understanding patterns of policing.   
   >   
   > Every year, approximately 6,000 blacks are murdered. This is a   
   > number greater than white and Hispanic homicide victims combined,   
   > even though blacks are only 13 percent of the national population.   
   > Blacks are killed at six times the rate of whites and Hispanics   
   > combined. In Los Angeles, blacks between the ages of 20 and 24 die   
   > at a rate 20 to 30 times the national mean. Who is killing them? Not   
   > the police, and not white civilians, but other blacks. The   
   > astronomical black death-by-homicide rate is a function of the black   
   > crime rate. Black males between the ages of 14 and 17 commit   
   > homicide at ten times the rate of white and Hispanic male teens   
   > combined. Blacks of all ages commit homicide at eight times the rate   
   > of whites and Hispanics combined, and at eleven times the rate of   
   > whites alone.   
   >   
   > The police could end all lethal uses of force tomorrow and it would   
   > have at most a trivial effect on the black death-by-homicide rate.   
   > The nation’s police killed 987 civilians in 2015, according to a   
   > database compiled by The Washington Post. Whites were 50 percent—or   
   > 493—of those victims, and blacks were 26 percent—or 258. Most of   
   > those victims of police shootings, white and black, were armed or   
   > otherwise threatening the officer with potentially lethal force.   
   >   
   > The black violent crime rate would actually predict that more than   
   > 26 percent of police victims would be black. Officer use of force   
   > will occur where the police interact most often with violent   
   > criminals, armed suspects, and those resisting arrest, and that is   
   > in black neighborhoods. In America’s 75 largest counties in 2009,   
   > for example, blacks constituted 62 percent of all robbery   
   > defendants, 57 percent of all murder defendants, 45 percent of all   
   > assault defendants—but only 15 percent of the population.   
   >   
   > Moreover, 40 percent of all cop killers have been black over the   
   > last decade. And a larger proportion of white and Hispanic homicide   
   > deaths are a result of police killings than black homicide deaths—   
   > but don’t expect to hear that from the media or from the political   
   > enablers of the Black Lives Matter movement. Twelve percent of all   
   > white and Hispanic homicide victims are killed by police officers,   
   > compared to four percent of all black homicide victims. If we’re   
   > going to have a “Lives Matter” anti-police movement, it would be   
   > more appropriately named “White and Hispanic Lives Matter.”   
   >   
   > Standard anti-cop ideology, whether emanating from the ACLU or the   
   > academy, holds that law enforcement actions are racist if they don’t   
   > mirror population data. New York City illustrates why that   
   > expectation is so misguided. Blacks make up 23 percent of New York   
   > City’s population, but they commit 75 percent of all shootings, 70   
   > percent of all robberies, and 66 percent of all violent crime,   
   > according to victims and witnesses. Add Hispanic shootings and you   
   > account for 98 percent of all illegal gunfire in the city. Whites   
   > are 33 percent of the city’s population, but they commit fewer than   
   > two percent of all shootings, four percent of all robberies, and   
   > five percent of all violent crime. These disparities mean that   
   > virtually every time the police in New York are called out on a gun   
   > run—meaning that someone has just been shot—they are being summoned   
   > to minority neighborhoods looking for minority suspects.   
   >   
   > Officers hope against hope that they will receive descriptions of   
   > white shooting suspects, but it almost never happens. This incidence   
   > of crime means that innocent black men have a much higher chance   
   > than innocent white men of being stopped by the police because they   
   > match the description of a suspect. This is not something the police   
   > choose. It is a reality forced on them by the facts of crime.   
   >   
   > The geographic disparities are also huge. In Brownsville, Brooklyn,   
      
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