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|    Message 26,946 of 27,547    |
|    Blue Death to All    |
|    Re: How San Francisco Became A Failed Ci    |
|    03 Jan 24 05:25:03    |
      [continued from previous message]              started putting fentanyl in everything, and being on fentanyl, it’s       changed him, deteriorated him so rapidly … Before, he looked pretty       healthy and smiling. And now he’s got this stoop. He walks almost at a       40-degree angle, like an old man.”              He’s been stabbed twice. He got an infection in his thumb, and she       thought he might lose the hand. “They need to stop ignoring the fact       that there are people out here selling fentanyl on the streets,” she       said. “When it was just heroin—I can’t believe I’m saying ‘just heroin.’       Fentanyl is different. We’re normalizing people dying.”              One day, Berlinn was out looking for Corey in the Tenderloin       neighborhood when she came across someone else’s son. “He was naked in       front of Safeway … And he was saying he was God and he was eating a       cardboard box.”              She called the police. Officers arrived but said there was nothing they       could do; he said he didn’t want help, and he wasn’t hurting anyone.       “They said it’s not illegal to be naked; people are in the Castro naked       all the time … They just left him naked eating cardboard on the street       in front of Safeway.”              What happened to the man at the Safeway, what happened to Dustin       Walker—these are parables of a sort of progressive-libertarian nihilism,       of the belief that any intervention that has to be imposed on a       vulnerable person is so fundamentally flawed and problematic that the       best thing to do is nothing at all. Anyone offended by the sight of the       suffering is just judging someone who’s having a mental-health episode,       and any liberal who argues that the state can and should take control of       someone in the throes of drugs and psychosis is basically a Republican.       If and when the vulnerable person dies, that was his choice, and in San       Francisco we congratulate ourselves on being very accepting of that       choice.              Last year, I bought my wife her wedding ring at a beautiful little       antique store a few blocks from my childhood home. It was ransacked at       the end of December. The shaken owner posted a video; the showcases were       empty and the whole place was covered in glass.              You can spend days debating San Francisco crime statistics and their       meaning, and many people do. It has relatively low rates of violent       crime, and when compared with similarly sized cities, one of the lowest       rates of homicide. But what the city has become notorious for are crimes       like shoplifting and car break-ins, and there the data show that the       reputation is earned. Burglaries are up more than 40 percent since 2019.       Car break-ins have declined lately, but San Francisco still suffers more       car break-ins—and far more property theft overall—per capita than cities       like Atlanta and Los Angeles.              The head of CVS Health’s organized-crime division has called San       Francisco “one of the epicenters of organized retail crime.” Thefts in       San Francisco’s Walgreens are four times the national average. Stores       are reducing hours or shutting down. Seven Walgreens closed between last       November and February, and some point to theft as the reason. The city       is doing strikingly little about it. About 70 percent of shoplifting       cases in San Francisco ended in an arrest in 2011. In 2021, only 15       percent did.              Annie Lowrey: The people vs. Chesa Boudin              The movement to decriminalize shoplifting in San Francisco began in 2014       with Proposition 47, the state law that downgraded drug possession and       also recategorized the theft of merchandise worth less than $950 as a       misdemeanor. It accelerated in 2019 with the election of Boudin as       district attorney.              It is difficult to remember now, but the Boudin election was thrilling       for the city. It occurred during the heights of rage against President       Donald Trump, when more and more people were becoming aware of police       violence against Black people and demanding criminal-justice reforms.       London Breed, the city’s first Black female mayor, wanted a liberal       moderate for D.A., but Boudin ran to the left as a fierce progressive       ideologue whose worldview was shaped by his imprisoned parents, members       of the Weather Underground. He was a public defender, not a prosecutor       at all. He had worked in Venezuela and in 2009 congratulated the former       dictator Hugo Chávez for abolishing term limits. Boudin was a       charismatic figure. His campaign manager called him “a national movement       candidate.”              The Police Officers Association fought hard against him, spending       $400,000 on a barrage of attack ads, according to the San Francisco       Examiner. They didn’t work. At Boudin’s election party, a city       supervisor led the crowd in a chant of “Fuck the POA.” During his       campaign, Boudin said he wouldn’t prosecute quality-of-life crimes. He       wanted to “break the cycle of recidivism” by addressing the social       causes of crime—poverty, addiction, mental-health issues. Boudin was       selling revolution, and San Francisco was ready. In theory.              But not in fact. Because it turns out that people on the left also own       property, and generally believe stores should be paid for the goods they       sell.              It has become no big deal to see someone stealing in San Francisco.       Videos of crimes in process go viral fairly often. One from last year       shows a group of people fleeing a Neiman Marcus with goods in broad       daylight. Others show people grabbing what they can from drugstores and       walking out. When a theft happens in a Walgreens or a CVS, there’s no       big chase. The cashiers are blasé about it. Aisle after aisle of       deodorant and shampoo are under lock and key. Press a button for the       attendant to get your dish soap.              The rage against Boudin was related to that locked-up soap, but it went       far beyond it.              Under Boudin, prosecutors in the city could no longer use the fact that       someone had been convicted of a crime in the past to ask for a longer       sentence, except in “extraordinary circumstances.” Boudin ended cash       bail and limited the use of gang enhancements, which allow harsher       sentences for gang-related felonies. In most cases he prohibited       prosecutors from seeking charges when drugs and guns were found during       minor traffic stops. “We will not charge cases determined to be a racist       pretextual stop that leads to recovery of contraband,” Rachel Marshall,       the district attorney’s director of communications, told me.              Boudin is a big proponent of “collaborative courts” that focus on       rehabilitation over jail time, such as Veterans Justice Court and       Behavioral Health Court, and under his tenure they tried more cases than       ever before. In 2018, less than 40 percent of petty-theft cases were       sent to these programs, compared with more than 70 percent last year.       Marshall said it was the judges who decided which cases to divert, not       Boudin, and eligibility rules for the collaborative courts have loosened       in recent years. But critics also pointed out that Boudin got fewer       convictions overall: 40 percent in 2021, compared with about 60 percent       under his predecessor.              About 60 prosecutors had left since Boudin took office—close to half of       his team. Some retired or were fired, but others quit in protest. I       talked with two who joined the recall campaign. One of them, a homicide       prosecutor named Brooke Jenkins, told me she left in part because Boudin       was pressuring some lawyers to prosecute major crimes as lesser       offenses. (Marshall said this was “a lie.”) She couldn’t be part of it.       “The victims feel hopeless,” Jenkins told me. “They feel he has lost       their opportunity for justice. Right now what they see and feel is that              [continued in next message]              --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05        * Origin: you cannot sedate... all the things you hate (1:229/2)    |
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