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|    Message 26,949 of 27,547    |
|    Blue Death to All    |
|    Re: How San Francisco Became A Failed Ci    |
|    03 Jan 24 05:25:03    |
      [continued from previous message]              against school closures and the decision to get rid of the admissions       test for Lowell. Asian students have traditionally been overrepresented       at Lowell; getting in is one of the best ways for high-achieving poor       and middle-class kids in San Francisco to rise up the economic ladder.              Many people from his community agreed with him. They began gathering       signatures and raising money for a campaign to recall Collins, López,       and another progressive board member, Faauuga Moliga. Siva Raj, one of       the recall organizers, told me that roughly half of those volunteering       for the campaign spoke Chinese.              After the tweets came to light, a member of the board asked Collins to       voluntarily step down. But she refused. Instead, she sued five of her       fellow members. She also sued the district. She asked for $87 million,       citing, among other afflictions, “severe mental, and emotional       distress,” “damage to self-image,” and “injury to spiritual solace.”              Her case was tossed. And in February 2022, San Franciscans voted       decisively to remove all three from the board. A landslide 76 percent       voted to recall Collins, and the other two were recalled by about 70       percent each. They have been replaced by moderates, appointed by the       mayor. Collins and López slammed their opponents as agents of white       supremacy, but the turnout was diverse, and impressive, especially for a       special election: More people voted to recall the board members than had       cast votes for them in the first place.              Boudin’s opponents, likewise, came from all over the city. He liked to       say they were funded by elites, and the recall campaign did raise about       twice as much money. But wealthy people have donated to the pro-Boudin       campaign, too. The racial group that was most likely to say they wanted       Boudin recalled? Asian Americans. Their allies included many from the       remnants of the city’s middle class, as well as the same sort of       swayable liberals who went from voting for Collins to recalling her.              Now a number of groups are trying to address quality-of-life issues in       the city. There is the new California Peace Coalition, which opposes the       open-air drug markets, and includes parents of drug users who are at       risk of or have died from overdose. There’s Innovate Public Schools and       Stop Crime SF, which are self-explanatory. Shine On SF is “reigniting       civic pride” by cleaning up the city’s streets. SF.Citi is advocating       for the interests of tech workers.              For a long time, says Michelle Tandler, a start-up founder who       documented downtown’s collapse on Twitter, “San Francisco progressives       and Democrats were so focused on Trump that they weren’t paying       attention.” Suddenly, they’re paying attention.              And Mayor Breed is responding. She was elected during the Trump       administration, like Boudin and the school board, and her approval       numbers are also faltering. But she’s in a different mold. Breed is a       canny politician who knows which way the wind is blowing, and is open to       changing course depending on the results.              Just a few years ago, she had proudly embraced the “defund the police”       movement; no longer. This spring, after the city’s gay-pride parade       banned police officers from marching in uniform, Breed announced that       out of solidarity, she wouldn’t march either.              I took a stroll with her back in February. She had just given a press       conference on anti-Asian hate crimes outside a senior center in       Chinatown. As in places like New York, the city had seen a spike in the       reporting of hate crimes against Asians. People were scared. Breed grew       up in the city’s projects and knows residents who have had family       members shot and killed recently. “I know a lot of people who supported       Chesa because there was a strong push for criminal justice,” she told       me. “I don’t think people believed that it meant that justice would not       occur.” She added, “That’s not justice reform, if everyone who commits       the crime is getting off for the crime.” Now she’ll have a chance to       replace him.              As we talked, we walked through Chinatown, then up past the $7 million       homes of Russian Hill and down into North Beach. The bay lay ahead; the       cable-car drivers waved to the mayor; the city’s problems seemed far       off. But Breed was angry, disappointed with the progressive faction and       how it had let the city down. A few months earlier, Breed had announced       a new approach to crime, starting with the Tenderloin, whose streets and       sidewalks are full of fentanyl’s chaos. She declared it to be in a state       of emergency and approved three months of funding for increased law       enforcement there.              The order was mostly symbolic—the drug problem isn’t limited to a few       bad blocks. Often a sweep of the homeless just means pushing the tents       and dealers down the road. And anyone who lives in San Francisco knows       the Tenderloin has been an emergency for years. But it allowed the mayor       to trot out some new rhetoric: “What I’m proposing today and what I will       be proposing in the future will make a lot of people uncomfortable, and       I don’t care.” It was time, she said, to be “less tolerant of all the       bullshit that has destroyed our city.”              My hometown isn’t turning red on any electoral maps. But the shift is       real. The farm at 770 Woolsey? The developer finally has approval to       turn it into housing. If progressives have overplayed their hand, gotten       a little decadent in culture-war wins and stirring slogans, without the       good government to back them all up, San Francisco is showing the way       toward an internal reformation.              Before the school-board vote, the last local recall in San Francisco was       in 1983. There has not been this level of conflict at farmers’ markets,       where dueling signature-gatherers face off across from the       organic-dog-treat kiosk, in almost 40 years. This is, in part, because       until recently many San Franciscans were afraid. If a tech worker       complained, they were reviled. If an aging hippie complained, they were       a racist old nut. It was easier to blame all of our issues on       outsiders—those Silicon Valley interlopers who came in and ruined the       city. The drugs, the homelessness, the crime—blame the Google employees       who skewed the city’s condo market and brought in their artisanal       chocolates, their scooters, their trendy barbers. If not for them and       the inequality they created, San Francisco would still be good.              There’s some truth to that: You cannot tell the story of the housing       crunch without the tech boom. But people started looking at City Hall,       and at the school board. They realized there were no tech bros there.       The fentanyl epidemic and the pandemic cracked something. With the city       locked down endlessly, with people dying in the streets, with schools       closed, it was slowly becoming okay to say Maybe this is ridiculous.       Maybe this isn’t working.              Of course, it’ll take more than a couple of recall votes to save San       Francisco. When I asked Breed about the new center for addicts in the       plaza—the creation of which she supported—she seemed a little       uncomfortable and soon after wanted to wrap up our interview. She said       something vague about how not all change can happen at once.              NIMBYism and fentanyl are as much a part of the San Francisco landscape       now as the bridge and the fog. And the school board is still       school-boarding. At the end of May, it announced that the district would       no longer use the word chief in any job titles, out of respect for       Native Americans (despite the fact that the word actually comes from the              [continued in next message]              --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05        * Origin: you cannot sedate... all the things you hate (1:229/2)    |
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