480d3d58
XPost: alt.society.liberalism, alt.atheism, talk.politics.guns
From: TopCop1988@yahoo.com
On May 13, 10:21 am, David Bryam Jamieson, a/k/a "Zepp the Lyin'
Socialist Weasel" wrote:
>
>
> On Sun, 12 May 2013 21:08:31 -0700, Jeanne Douglas wrote:
>
>> In article , Zeppo wrote:
>
>>> On Sun, 12 May 2013 19:57:25 -0700, Wayne wrote:
>
>>>> On Sun, 12 May 2013 07:54:21 -0700 (PDT), Davej
>>>> wrote:
>
>>>>> On May 12, 9:50 am, Kurt Nicklas wrote:
>
>>>>>> [...]
>>>>>> There's new evidence, obtained by ABC, that the Obama administration
>>>>>> did deliberately purge references to "terrorism" from accounts of the
>>>>>> attack on the Benghazi diplomatic mission...
>
>>>>> Darrell Issa needs both hands to wipe his own ass. I'm still waiting
>>>>> for the Republicans to explain why it is so, so, so important to give
>>>>> terrorists the publicity they crave.
>
>>>> The whole thing could be put to bed if Obama/Clinton would just fess
>>>> up.
>
>>> Ah, the old "if they weren't guilty of something, why would we be
>>> accusing them?"
>
>> These Republican assholes are obsessing over the process for how talking
>> points are created. They go back and forth and everybody puts their 2
>> cents in and, eventually, the final version is produced. NOTHING before
>> that means a damned thing; it was just the point of the view of the
>> first people to start the ball rolling.
>
> I bet that with the exception of Mittens, who just shot from the hip
> and lost several toes, the GOP went through a similar process trying to
> figure out how to exploit Benghazi.
>
The only ones affected by BengahziGate during the 2012 election was
Obozo, and now, the DNC:
How Mitt Romney's missteps kept Obama in the presidential race
That the election seemed to be a cakewalk for the president until the
first TV debate attests to the Republican's flawed candidacy
By Jonathan Freedland in Washington
The Guardian, Tuesday 6 November 2012 15.11 EST
The 2012 campaign began before the campaign of 2008 had finished. In
February of that year, while Barack Obama was still locked in an epic
struggle for the Democratic nomination against Hillary Clinton, Mitt
Romney summoned his closest allies to a Boston office to work out why
his effort to be the Republicans' standard-bearer of 2008 had failed
so badly. He handed out a memo he had written about himself, detailing
his strengths and weaknesses, assessing his own defeated candidacy as
if it were one of the businesses he once assessed as a hotshot
management consultant. This was no mere exercise in navel-gazing.
Romney was determined to learn the lessons of defeat in 2008 in order
to win in 2012.
Thus began a long march that ended today. The visible miles came last
winter, when Romney trudged through the pig farms of Iowa and the
snows of New Hampshire in his search for the Republican nomination.
But that followed an invisible primary, an endless round of closed-
door fundraisers to fill up a war-chest he hoped would scare off the
most fearsome potential rivals.
Whether money was the explanation or not, Romney was indeed rewarded
by the decision of several big-beast Republicans not to challenge him
for the nomination. The New Jersey governor Chris Christie, Indiana's
Mitch Daniels and others, including Sarah Palin, skipped the race,
leaving the path open for Romney.
When ambitious politicians duck a presidential contest, that's usually
because they suspect the incumbent will be too hard to dislodge. In
the summer of 2011, that looked like the smart decision. For Obama had
just done what George W Bush had failed to do: he had removed – killed
– Osama bin Laden. Many Republicans concluded that, given the US
economy was bound to at least slightly improve by November 2012, the
scalp of Bin Laden made the president tough to beat.
The course for Romney ran anything but smooth. Instead of warming to
the former Massachusetts governor as the obvious choice – a successful
businessman who looked like Hollywood's idea of a president –
Republican primary voters seemed ready to fall in love with almost
anyone but him. The field of rivals included outlandish characters who
seemed absurd to outsiders: pizza magnate Herman Cain, evolution-
denying congresswoman Michelle Bachmann, Texas governor Rick Perry,
who could not remember which three government departments he planned
to shut down. Former McCain campaign manager Steve Schmidt said: "The
Republican primary resembled a reality-TV show. All these guys might
as well have been living in a tree house with Simon Cowell."
And yet each of those candidates enjoyed a moment in the sun, a surge
in support that made them – rather than Romney – the frontrunner. It
was as if Republicans were desperate to find someone else to nominate.
Accordingly, former senator Rick Santorum and the former House speaker
Newt Gingrich won enough states between them to ensure the primary
race dragged on.
That long, bruising primary battle cost Romney dear, and not just
financially (it forced him to spend money defeating his fellow
Republicans rather than saving it for the fight against Obama). The
greater cost was political.
It exposed the future Republican nominee to sustained attack from his
own side. The notion of Romney as a ruthless plutocrat, coldly laying
off American workers, did not come from the Democrat attack machine.
Romney was not seen as embodying the 1% because of the Occupy
movement. Rather, that portrait was drawn by Gingrich, who aired an
extended commercial, "When Mitt Romney came to Town", that tore apart
Romney's tenure at the helm of the private equity firm Bain & Co. It
depicted him as a corporate raider, willing to shutter factories and
shatter working lives if it made him richer. That critique lingered
all year, eagerly picked up and advanced by the Democrats. But it
originated with the Republicans.
Still, the damage of the primaries went deeper. To push aside
Santorum, Bachmann and the others, Romney was obliged to adopt
positions that would endear him to the Republican faithful – but which
stored up trouble for later. So Romney reversed his previous support
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