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|    alt.flame.rush-limbaugh    |    Those who hate 'em can't stop listening    |    18,602 messages    |
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|    Message 16,717 of 18,602    |
|    Jerry Okamura to All    |
|    Re: Republican SOCIALISTS Refuse To Do S    |
|    22 Jun 11 07:24:04    |
      XPost: alt.flame.rednecks, alt.flame.right-wing-conservatives, a       t.politics.socialist.nazi       From: okamuraj005@hawaii.rr.com              What should be the lesson of this story? That perhaps, you cannot trust ANY       politician to do what is right? That the only way to get a politician to       maybe do what is right, is to force them to do the right thing?              "Aisyphus" wrote in message news:Xns9F0C4EC5FE7BEchang@194.177.98.144...              Running in the red: How the U.S., on the road to surplus, detoured to       massive debt By Lori Montgomery, Published: April 30              The nation’s unnerving descent into debt began a decade ago with a choice,       not a crisis.              In January 2001, with the budget balanced and clear sailing ahead, the       Congressional Budget Office forecast ever-larger annual surpluses       indefinitely. The outlook was so rosy, the CBO said, that Washington would       have enough money by the end of the decade to pay off everything it owed.              Voices of caution were swept aside in the rush to take advantage of the       apparent bounty. Political leaders chose to cut taxes, jack up spending       and, for the first time in U.S. history, wage two wars solely with       borrowed funds. “In the end, the floodgates opened,” said former senator       Pete Domenici (R-N.M.), who chaired the Senate Budget Committee when the       first tax-cut bill hit Capitol Hill in early 2001.              Now, instead of tending a nest egg of more than $2 trillion, the federal       government expects to owe more than $10 trillion to outside investors by       the end of this year. The national debt is larger, as a percentage of the       economy, than at any time in U.S. history except for the period shortly       after World War II.              Polls show that a large majority of Americans blame wasteful or       unnecessary federal programs for the nation’s budget problems. But routine       increases in defense and domestic spending account for only about 15       percent of the financial deterioration, according to a new analysis of CBO       data.              The biggest culprit, by far, has been an erosion of tax revenue triggered       largely by two recessions and multiple rounds of tax cuts. Together, the       economy and the tax bills enacted under former president George W. Bush,       and to a lesser extent by President Obama, wiped out $6.3 trillion in       anticipated revenue. That’s nearly half of the $12.7 trillion swing from       projected surpluses to real debt. Federal tax collections now stand at       their lowest level as a percentage of the economy in 60 years.              Big-ticket spending initiated by the Bush administration accounts for 12       percent of the shift. The Iraq and Afghanistan wars have added $1.3       trillion in new borrowing. A new prescription drug benefit for Medicare       recipients contributed another $272 billion. The Troubled Assets Relief       Program bank bailout, which infuriated voters and led to the defeat of       several legislators in 2010, added just $16 billion — and TARP may       eventually cost nothing as financial institutions repay the Treasury.              Obama’s 2009 economic stimulus, a favorite target of Republicans who blame       Democrats for the mounting debt, has added $719 billion — 6 percent of the       total shift, according to the new analysis of CBO data by the nonprofit       Pew Fiscal Analysis Initiative. All told, Obama-era choices account for       about $1.7 trillion in new debt, according to a separate Washington Post       analysis of CBO data over the past decade. Bush-era policies, meanwhile,       account for more than $7 trillion and are a major contributor to the       trillion-dollar annual budget deficits that are dominating the political       debate.              As Congress prepares this week to launch a high-stakes battle over whether       to raise the legal limit on borrowing, the analyses offer a clearer view       of the drivers of the debt — and of the difficulty of re-balancing the       budget without new tax revenue.              Most Republicans reject raising taxes as part of the solution; House       Speaker John A. Boehner (Ohio) has called it a “non-starter.” But       Democrats won’t go for a proposal based solely on spending cuts. The“Gang       of Six,” a bipartisan Senate group dedicated to debt reduction, is       expected to unveil a strategy as soon as this week that couples sharp       spending cuts with a rewrite of the tax code that would raise additional       revenue.              (The debt ceiling, set at $14.3 trillion, covers all federal debt,       including money the Treasury owes other federal entities, such as the       Social Security trust fund. The CBO data focus on the portion of the debt       borrowed from outside investors. The debt is the accumulation of annual       deficits; if annual budgets are in surplus, the nation can pay down the       debt.)              The annual surpluses that set the nation on this course emerged in the       final years of the Clinton administration. In the typical American       household, a surplus comes as welcome news. But the White House is not a       typical household. When Treasury Secretary Robert Rubin saw the budget       shift into the black in 1998, he immediately warned President Bill Clinton       that, politically, it was a mixed blessing.              Rubin wanted to use the surplus to start repaying the debt, which was then       just more than $3 trillion. The White House billed it as “saving Social       Security first,” viewing the surplus as an opportunity to shore up the       nation’s finances before huge numbers of the baby boom generation began       claiming federal retirement benefits. “The problem was a whole other part       of the political spectrum wanted to use the surplus for tax cuts,” Rubin       said in an interview. “They said they wanted to give the people back their       money. Of course, it was also the people’s debt.”              What to do with the surplus became a central issue of the 2000       presidential campaign, with Vice President Al Gore arguing that much of it       should be put in a “lockbox” to protect Social Security and Medicare. Bush       pushed for a broad tax cut, arguing that taxpayers at all income levels       were owed a refund. “Some say that the growing federal surplus means       Washington has more money to spend, but they’ve got it backwards,” Bush       said as he accepted the GOP nomination in August 2000. “The surplus is not       the government’s money. The surplus is the people’s money.”              As soon as he took office, Bush pushed Congress to make good on his tax       pledge. Less than a week after his inauguration, he got a boost from       Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan, who testified before the Senate       Budget Committee that “tax reduction appears required” to prevent the       federal government from accumulating too much cash. Greenspan feared that       large surpluses would turn the government into the nation’s largest       investor, creating distortions in the markets.                     [continued in next message]              --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05        * Origin: you cannot sedate... all the things you hate (1:229/2)    |
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