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|    alt.history    |    Pretty sure discussion of all kinds    |    15,187 messages    |
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|    Message 13,495 of 15,187    |
|    Steve Hayes to All    |
|    Castro’s legacy: how the revolutionary i    |
|    28 Nov 16 09:33:25    |
      XPost: soc.history, alt.obituaries, soc.rights.human       XPost: alt.religion.christian.east-orthodox, soc.culture.caribbean       From: hayesstw@telkomsa.net              Castro’s legacy: how the revolutionary inspired and appalled the world              The man who led a revolution and strode the world stage for half a       century left Cuba with free healthcare, food shortages – and not a       single street in his name              Rory Carroll and Jonathan Watts in Havana              Saturday 26 November 2016 05.50 GMT       Last modified on Saturday 26 November 2016 19.03 GMT              No street bears his name and there is not a single statue in his       honour but Fidel Castro did not want or need that type of recognition.       From tip to tip, he made Cuba his living, breathing creation.              Children in red neckerchiefs scampering to free schools, families       rationing toilet paper in dilapidated houses, pensioners enjoying free       medical treatment, newspapers filled with monotonous state propaganda:       all in some way bear the stamp of one man.              Historians will debate Castro’s legacy for decades to come but his       revolution’s accomplishments and failures are on open display in       today’s Cuba, which – even with the reforms of recent years – still       bears the stamp of half a century of “Fidelismo”.              The “maximum leader” was a workaholic micro-manager who turned the       Caribbean island into an economic, political and social laboratory       that has simultaneously intrigued, appalled and inspired the world.              â€śWhen Fidel took power in 1959 few would have predicted that he would       be able to so completely transform Cuban society, upend US priorities       in Latin America and create a following of global proportions,” said       Dan Erikson, an analyst at the Inter-American Dialogue thinktank and       author of The Cuba Wars.              The most apparent downside of his legacy is material scarcity. For       ordinary Cubans things tend to be either in short supply, such as       transport, housing and food, or prohibitively expensive, such as soap,       books and clothes.              These problems have persisted since Fidel handed the presidency to his       brother RaĂşl in 2008. Despite overtures to the United States and       encouragement of micro businesses since then, the state still controls       the lion’s share of the economy and pays an average monthly wage of       less than ÂŁ15. This has forced many to hustle extra income however       they can, including prostitution and low-level corruption. The lucky       ones earn hard currency through tourism jobs or receive dollars from       relatives in Florida.              Cubans are canny improvisers and can live with dignity on a       shoestring, but they yearn for conditions to ease. “We want to buy       good stuff, nice stuff, like you do in your countries,” said Miguel,       20, gazing wistfully at Adidas runners on a store on Neptuno street.              Castro blamed the hardship on the US embargo, a longstanding,       vindictive stranglehold which cost the economy billions. However, most       analysts and many Cubans say botched central planning and stifling       controls were even more ruinous. “They pretend to pay us and we       pretend to work,” goes the old joke.              Thanks to universal and free education and healthcare, however, Cuba       boasts first-world levels of literacy and life expectancy. The       comandante made sure the state reached the poorest, a commitment       denied to many slum-dwellers across Latin America.              Idealism sparkles in places such as Havana’s institute for the blind       where Lisbet, a young doctor, works marathon shifts. “We see every       single one of the patients. It’s our job and how we contribute to the       revolution and humankind.”              Castro continued to hold a place in people’s hearts and minds despite       largely withdrawing from public life in the last decade of his life.       Increasingly infirm, he mostly tended his garden in Zone Zero (the       high security district of Havana), rebutted frequent premature rumours       of his death with photographs showing him holding the latest edition       of the state-run newspaper Granma, and wrote the occasional column,       including grumpy criticism of Cuba’s drift towards market economics       and reconciliation with the United States.              But his influence was clearly on the wane. Although he met Pope       Francis in 2015, he spent a lot more time with his plants than with       national and global power brokers. Even before his death, he had       become more of a historical than a political figure.              â€śFidel was the dominant figure for decades, but RaĂşl has been calling       the shots,” observed a European diplomat based in Havana, who       predicted the death would have more symbolic than political       significance. “Has his presence been a block to reforms? Possibly.       There could be an impact on young Cubans, but we won’t see a huge       shift of Cuban politics after Fidel’s death. More significant would be       if RaĂşl dies because he put his leadership on the line for reform.”              Cuba had already begun the move away from Fidel’s era in a similar       series of gradual steps to that taken in China after the the death of       Mao Zedong or Vietnam after the demise of Ho Chi Minh.              Under the Economic Modernisation Plan of 2010, the state shed 1m jobs,       and opened opportunities for small private business, such as paladares       â€“ family-run restaurants – and casas particulares, or home hotels.       Farmers have been given more autonomy and price incentives to produce       more food. The government has eased overseas travel restrictions,       loosened pay ceilings, ended controls on car sales and tied up with       overseas partners to build a new free-trade zone at the former       submarine base in Mariel. The biggest changes have been in the       diplomatic sphere, where Cuba strengthened ties with the Vatican and       signed a historic accord with the United States to ease half a century       of cold war tension.              But this is still an island shaped more by Fidel Castro than any other       man. Wander up the marble steps at the centre of Revolution Square and       stand where Castro used to give his marathon orations to an audience       of more than a million and you can still see just how much the       revolution he led reshaped the country. On one side are the giant       profiles – illuminated at night – of his two lieutenants: Che Guevara       on the ministry of the interior and Camilo Cienfuegos across the       facade of the communications ministry.              In the distance, you can see the tower blocks that were formerly the       headquarters of major US corporations such as ITT and General Electric       but were nationalised under Castro, and hotels such as the Havana       Libre, which were once owned by US mobsters but later turned over to       the state.                     [continued in next message]              --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05        * Origin: you cannot sedate... all the things you hate (1:229/2)    |
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