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|    alt.history    |    Pretty sure discussion of all kinds    |    15,187 messages    |
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|    Message 14,694 of 15,187    |
|    Jeffrey Rubard to All    |
|    H.W. Brands, *Traitor to His Class: The     |
|    06 Jan 22 14:12:25    |
      From: jeffreydanielrubard@gmail.com              [...]              Franklin Roosevelt’s Sunday morning began as most of his Sundays began: with       a cigarette and the Sunday papers in bed. He wasn’t a regular churchgoer,       confining his attendance mainly to special occasions: weddings, funerals, his       three inaugurations.        In his youth and young adulthood he had often spent Sundays on the golf       course, but his golfing days were long over, to his lasting regret. This       Sunday morning–the first Sunday of December 1941–he read about himself in       the papers. The New York        Times gave him the top head, explaining how he had sent a personal appeal for       peace to the Japanese emperor. Neither the Times nor the Washington Post,       which provided similar coverage, included the substance of his appeal, as he       had directed the State        Department to release only the fact of his having approached the emperor. This       way he got credit for his efforts on behalf of peace without having to       acknowledge how hopeless those efforts were. The papers put the burden of       warmongering on Japan; the        government in Tokyo declared that its “patience” with the Western powers       was at an end. Heavy movements of Japanese troops in occupied In       ochina–movements about which Roosevelt had quietly released corroborating       information–suggested an imminent        thrust against Thailand or Malaya.              Sharing the headlines with the prospect of war in the Pacific was the reality       of war in the Atlantic and Europe. The German offensive against the Soviet       Union, begun the previous June, seemed to have stalled just short of Moscow.       Temperatures of twenty        below zero were punishing the German attackers, searing their flesh and       freezing their crankcases. The Germans were forced to find shelter from the       cold; the front apparently had locked into place for the winter. On the       Atlantic, the British had just        sunk a German commerce raider, or so they claimed. The report from the war       zone was sketchy and unconfirmed. The admiralty in London volunteered that its       cruiser Dorsetshire had declined to look for survivors, as it feared German       submarines in the area.              Roosevelt supposed he’d get the details from Winston Churchill. The       president and the prime minister shared a love of the sea, and Churchill,       since assuming his current office eighteen months ago, had made a point of       apprising Roosevelt of aspects of        the naval war kept secret from others outside the British government.       Churchill and Roosevelt wrote each other several times a week; they spoke by       telephone less often but still regularly.              An inside account of the war was the least the prime minister could provide,       as Roosevelt was furnishing Churchill and the British the arms and equipment       that kept their struggle against Germany alive. Until now Roosevelt had left       the actual fighting to        the British, but he made certain they got what they needed to remain in the       battle.              The situation might change at any moment, though, the Sunday papers implied.       The Navy Department–which was to say, Roosevelt–had just ordered the       seizure of Finnish vessels in American ports, on the ground that Finland had       become a de facto member of        the Axis alliance. Navy secretary Frank Knox, reporting to Congress on the war       readiness of the American fleet, assured the legislators that it was       “second to none.” Yet it still wasn’t strong enough, Knox said. “The       international situation is        such that we must arm as rapidly as possible to meet our naval defense       requirements simultaneously in both oceans against any possible combination of       powers concerting against us.”              Roosevelt read these remarks with satisfaction. The president had long prided       himself on clever appointments, but no appointment had tickled him more than       his tapping of Knox, a Republican from the stronghold of American       isolationism, Chicago. By        reaching out to the Republicans–not once but twice: at the same time that he       chose Knox, Roosevelt named Republican Henry Stimson secretary of war–the       president signaled a desire for a bipartisan foreign policy. By picking a       Chicagoan, Roosevelt        poked a finger in the eye of the arch- isolationist Chicago Tribune, a poke       that hurt the more as Knox was the publisher of the rival Chicago Daily News.              Roosevelt might have chuckled to himself again, reflecting on how he had cut       the ground from under the isolationists, one square foot at a time; but the       recent developments were no laughing matter. Four years had passed since his       “quarantine” speech        in Chicago, which had warned against German and Japanese aggression. The       strength of the isolationists had prevented him from following up at that       time, or for many months thereafter. But by reiterating his message again and       again–and with the help of        Hitler and the Japanese, who repeatedly proved him right–he gradually       brought the American people around to his way of thinking. He persuaded       Congress to amend America’s neutrality laws and to let the democracies       purchase American weapons for use        against the fascists. He sent American destroyers to Britain to keep the sea       lanes open. His greatest coup was Lend- Lease, the program that made America       the armory of the anti- fascist alliance. He had done everything but ask       Congress to declare war.        The Sunday papers thought this final step might come soon. He knew more than       the papers did, and he thought so, too.                     ***                     But there was something he didn’t know, or even imagine. Roosevelt was still       reading the papers when an American minesweeper on a predawn patrol two miles       off the southern coast of the Hawaiian island of Oahu, near the entrance to       Pearl Harbor, spotted        what looked like a periscope. No American submarines were supposed to be in       the area, and the minesweeper reported the sighting to its backup, the       destroyer Ward. The report provoked little alarm, partly because Hawaii was so       far from Japan and partly        because Pearl Harbor’s shallow bottom seemed sufficient protection against       enemy subs. Some officers on the Ward questioned the sighting; eyes play       tricks in the dark. Perhaps there was an American sub in the area; this       wouldn’t have been the fi       rst time overzealous security or a simple screwup had prevented information       from reaching the patrols. In any event, the Ward responded slowly to the       asserted sighting and spent most of the next two hours cruising the area and       discovering nothing.                     [continued in next message]              --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05        * Origin: you cannot sedate... all the things you hate (1:229/2)    |
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