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   alt.history      Pretty sure discussion of all kinds      15,187 messages   

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   Message 14,695 of 15,187   
   Steve Hayes to All   
   Re: H.W. Brands, *Traitor to His Class:    
   07 Jan 22 04:39:28   
   
   XPost: soc.history   
   From: hayesstw@telkomsa.net   
      
   On Thu, 6 Jan 2022 14:12:25 -0800 (PST), Jeffrey Rubard   
    wrote:   
      
      
   [...]   
      
   Franklin Roosevelt’s Sunday morning began as most of his Sundays   
   began: with a cigarette and the Sunday papers in bed. He wasn’t a   
   regular churchgoer, con?ning his attendance mainly to special   
   occasions: weddings, funerals, his three inaugurations. In his youth   
   and young adulthood he had often spent Sundays on the golf course, but   
   his gol?ng days were long over, to his lasting regret. This Sunday   
   morning–the ?rst Sunday of December 1941–he read about himself in the   
   papers. The New York Times gave him the top head, explaining how he   
   had sent a personal appeal for peace to the Japanese emperor. Neither   
   the Times nor the Washington Post, which provided similar coverage,   
   included the substance of his appeal, as he had directed the State   
   Department to release only the fact of his having approached the   
   emperor. This way he got credit for his efforts on behalf of peace   
   without having to acknowledge how hopeless those efforts were. The   
   papers put the burden of warmongering on Japan; the government in   
   Tokyo declared that its “patience” with the Western powers was at an   
   end. Heavy movements of Japanese troops in occupied   
   Indochina–movements about which Roosevelt had quietly released   
   corroborating information–suggested an imminent thrust against   
   Thailand or Malaya.   
      
   Sharing the headlines with the prospect of war in the Pacific was the   
   reality of war in the Atlantic and Europe. The German offensive   
   against the Soviet Union, begun the previous June, seemed to have   
   stalled just short of Moscow. Temperatures of twenty below zero were   
   punishing the German attackers, searing their flesh and freezing their   
   crankcases. The Germans were forced to find shelter from the cold; the   
   front apparently had locked into place for the winter. On the   
   Atlantic, the British had just sunk a German commerce raider, or so   
   they claimed. The report from the war zone was sketchy and   
   unconfirmed. The admiralty in London volunteered that its cruiser   
   Dorsetshire had declined to look for survivors, as it feared German   
   submarines in the area.   
      
   Roosevelt supposed he’d get the details from Winston Churchill. The   
   president and the prime minister shared a love of the sea, and   
   Churchill, since assuming his current of?ce eighteen months ago, had   
   made a point of apprising Roosevelt of aspects of the naval war kept   
   secret from others outside the British government. Churchill and   
   Roosevelt wrote each other several times a week; they spoke by   
   telephone less often but still regularly.   
      
   An inside account of the war was the least the prime minister could   
   provide, as Roosevelt was furnishing Churchill and the British the   
   arms and equipment that kept their struggle against Germany alive.   
   Until now Roosevelt had left the actual ?ghting to the British, but he   
   made certain they got what they needed to remain in the battle.   
      
   The situation might change at any moment, though, the Sunday papers   
   implied. The Navy Department–which was to say, Roosevelt–had just   
   ordered the seizure of Finnish vessels in American ports, on the   
   ground that Finland had become a de facto member of the Axis alliance.   
   Navy secretary Frank Knox, reporting to Congress on the war readiness   
   of the American ?eet, assured the legislators that it was “second to   
   none.” Yet it still wasn’t strong enough, Knox said. “The   
   international situation is such that we must arm as rapidly as   
   possible to meet our naval defense requirements simultaneously in both   
   oceans against any possible combination of powers concerting against   
   us.”   
      
   Roosevelt read these remarks with satisfaction. The president had long   
   prided himself on clever appointments, but no appointment had tickled   
   him more than his tapping of Knox, a Republican from the stronghold of   
   American isolationism, Chicago. By reaching out to the Republicans–not   
   once but twice: at the same time that he chose Knox, Roosevelt named   
   Republican Henry Stimson secretary of war–the president signaled a   
   desire for a bipar­tisan foreign policy. By picking a Chicagoan,   
   Roosevelt poked a ?nger in the eye of the arch- isolationist Chicago   
   Tribune, a poke that hurt the more as Knox was the publisher of the   
   rival Chicago Daily News.   
      
   Roosevelt might have chuckled to himself again, re?ecting on how he   
   had cut the ground from under the isolationists, one square foot at a   
   time; but the recent developments were no laughing matter. Four years   
   had passed since his “quarantine” speech in Chicago, which had warned   
   against German and Japanese aggression. The strength of the   
   isolationists had prevented him from following up at that time, or for   
   many months thereafter. But by reiterating his message again and   
   again–and with the help of Hitler and the Japanese, who repeatedly   
   proved him right–he gradually brought the American people around to   
   his way of thinking. He persuaded Congress to amend America’s   
   neutrality laws and to let the democracies purchase American weapons   
   for use against the fascists. He sent American destroyers to Britain   
   to keep the sea lanes open. His greatest coup was Lend- Lease, the   
   program that made Amer­ica the armory of the anti- fascist alliance.   
   He had done everything but ask Congress to declare war. The Sunday   
   papers thought this ?nal step might come soon. He knew more than the   
   papers did, and he thought so, too.   
      
      
   ***   
      
      
   But there was something he didn’t know, or even imagine. Roosevelt was   
   still reading the papers when an American minesweeper on a predawn   
   patrol two miles off the southern coast of the Hawaiian island of   
   Oahu, near the entrance to Pearl Harbor, spotted what looked like a   
   periscope. No Amer­ican submarines were supposed to be in the area,   
   and the minesweeper reported the sighting to its backup, the destroyer   
   Ward. The report provoked little alarm, partly because Hawaii was so   
   far from Japan and partly because Pearl Harbor’s shallow bottom seemed   
   suf?cient protection against enemy subs. Some of?cers on the Ward   
   questioned the sighting; eyes play tricks in the dark. Perhaps there   
   was an American sub in the area; this wouldn’t have been the ?rst time   
   overzealous security or a simple screwup had prevented information   
   from reaching the patrols. In any event, the Ward responded slowly to   
   the asserted sighting and spent most of the next two hours cruising   
   the area and discovering nothing.   
      
      
   [continued in next message]   
      
   --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05   
    * Origin: you cannot sedate... all the things you hate (1:229/2)   

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