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   "Therefore, the new leadership has no choice but to take firm action   
   against such violations," he said.   
   An Arab diplomat said political support from Arab states was also not   
   unlimited, and would need to be matched by concrete steps, including   
   inclusive governance, protection of minorities and real progress on the   
   ground.   
   That means genuine power-sharing with Alawites, Christians, Kurds and   
   other minorities - and only then can the new leadership stabilise Syria   
   and garner U.S. and European support, the Arab diplomat said.   
   Washington and European states have tied the lifting of sanctions,   
   imposed under Assad, to the new authorities proving their commitment to   
   inclusive governance and the protection of minorities. Removing these   
   sanctions is crucial to reviving Syria's shattered economy, Sharaa's   
   most pressing challenge.   
   SAME PLAYBOOK?   
   But despite promises of reform, the five-year constitution Sharaa   
   unveiled this month gave him absolute power as president, prime   
   minister, head of the armed forces and chief of national security, as   
   well as granting him the authority to appoint judges, ministers and a   
   third of parliament - dashing hopes for democratic reforms.   
   The constitution also enshrines Islamic law as "the main source" of   
   legislation.   
   Critics argue that the constitution swaps autocracy for Islamist   
   theocracy, deepening fears over Sharaa's roots as the leader of a   
   hardline Islamist faction once allied with al Qaeda.   
   Kurds, who control northeastern Syria and recently agreed to integrate   
   with the new government, criticised the temporary constitution for   
   "reproducing authoritarianism in a new form".   
   Syria's dilemma, analysts say, mirrors the trials faced by Arab states a   
   decade ago when, in 2011, a wave of uprisings ousted dictators in Egypt,   
   Tunisia, Libya and Yemen.   
   The "Arab Spring" upheavals promised democratic revival, but takeovers   
   by Islamists, military coups, and violent fragmentation turned these   
   hopes into setbacks. The victories were short-lived, with states such as   
   Yemen and Libya descending into violence and chaos.   
   Syria, having endured a far longer and bloodier conflict, now stands at   
   a similar crossroad.   
   Analysts say if Syria's rulers adopt exclusionary policies that ignore   
   the cultural, religious, ethnic diversity of its citizens, they are   
   bound to fail - just as late Islamist President Mohammed Mursi did in   
   Egypt after the overthrow of Hosni Mubarak.   
   In Mursi's case, his divisive constitution failed to meet the people's   
   diverse demands and led to his toppling by the army. Such a policy in   
   Syria, the analysts add, would fuel domestic resistance, antagonise   
   neighbours, and prompt foreign intervention.   
   "Some internal and external forces wanted a secular state, while the   
   constitutional declaration reaffirmed the state's religious-Islamic   
   identity, stating that Islamic law (Sharia) would be the primary source   
   of legislation," said Sager. "A possible compromise could have been a   
   model similar to Turkey's - a secular state governed by an Islamic party."   
   Muasher at the Carnegie Endowment said Assad's fall should serve as a   
   warning to those who replaced him in Syria.   
   He said Sharaa must decide whether to adopt the same playbook that made   
   Assad vulnerable and led to the mass Sunni uprising that eventually   
   ousted him - or adopt a different course.   
   "Syria's new rulers must recognise that the brutal authoritarian model   
   of the regime they replaced was ultimately unsustainable, as is any   
   political system based on exclusion and iron-fisted rule," Muasher said.   
   "If they fall back on repression, they will subject Syria to a grim fate."   
   Reporting by Samia Nakhoul and Timour Azhari in Damascus; Additional   
   reporting by John Irish in Paris, Matt Spetalnick and Humerya Pamuk in   
   Washington; Writing by Samia Nakhoul; Editing by David Clarke   
      
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