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|    soc.culture.france    |    More than just arrogance and bland food    |    5,647 messages    |
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|    Message 4,553 of 5,647    |
|    Alistair_Sim to All    |
|    Fall of the Rovean Empire (1/3)    |
|    08 Oct 05 20:03:30    |
      XPost: soc.culture.europe, soc.culture.irish, soc.culture.new-zealand       XPost: soc.culture.scottish       From: tartan_army@msn.com              Fall of the Rovean empire?       Drunk on power, the Republican oligarchs overreached. Now their entire       project could be doomed.       By Sidney Blumenthal       Oct. 06, 2005 | For 30 years, beginning with the Nixon presidency,       advanced       under Reagan, stalled with the elder Bush, a new political economy       struggled       to be born. The idea was pure and simple: centralization of power in       the       hands of the Republican Party would ensure that it never lost it       again.       Under George W. Bush, this new system reached its apotheosis. It is a       radically novel social, political and economic formation that deserves       study       alongside capitalism and socialism. Neither Adam Smith nor Vladimir       Lenin       captures its essence, though it has far more elements of Leninist       democratic-centralism than Smithian free markets. Some have referred       to this       model as crony capitalism; others compare the waste, extravagance and       greed       to the Gilded Age. Call it 21st century Republicanism.              At its heart the system is plagued by corruption, an often unpleasant       peripheral expense that greases its wheels. But now multiple scandals       engulfing Republicans -- from suspended House Majority Leader Tom       DeLay to       super-lobbyist Jack Abramoff to White House political overlord Karl       Rove --       threaten to upend the system. Because it is organized by politics it       can be       undone by politics. Politics has been the greatest strength of       Republicanism, but it has become its greatest vulnerability.              The party runs the state. Politics drives economics. Important party       officials are also economic operators. They thrive off their       connections and       rise in the party apparatus as a result of their self-enrichment. The       past       three chairmen of the Republican National Committee have all been       Washington       lobbyists.              An oligarchy atop the party allocates favors. Behind the ideological       slogans       about the "free market" and "liberty," the oligarchy creates       oligopolies.       Businesses must pay to play. They must kick back contributions to the       party,       hire its key people and support its program. Only if they give do they       receive tax breaks, loosening of regulations and helpful treatment       from       government professionals.              Those professionals in the agencies and departments who insist on       adhering       to standards other than those imposed by the party are fired, demoted       and       blackballed. The oligarchy wars against these professionals to bend       government purely into an instrument of oligopolies.              Corporations pay fixed costs in the form of legal graft to the party       in       order to suppress the market, drastically limiting competitive       pressure.       Then they collude to control prices, create cartels and reduce       planning       primarily to the political game. The larger consequences are of no       concern       whatsoever to the corporate players so long as they maintain access to       the       political players.              The sums every industry, from financial services to computers, spends       on       lobbying are staggering. Broadcast media firms spent $35.88 million in       2004       alone on lobbyists in Washington, according to the Center for Public       Integrity. Telephone companies spent $71.97 million; cable and       satellite TV       corporations, $20.22 million. The drug industry during the same period       shelled out $123 million to pay 1,291 lobbyists, 52 percent of them       former       government officials. The results have been direct: The Food and Drug       Administration has been reduced to a hollow shell, and Medicare can't       negotiate lower drug costs with pharmaceutical companies. In the 2004       election cycle, the drug industry paid out $87 million in campaign       contributions for federal officials, 69 percent of them flowing to       Republicans.              Whereas almost all lobbying before the Bush era was confined to       Capitol       Hill, now one in five lobbyists approaches the White House directly.       Consider the success story of one Kirk Blalock, a former aide to Karl       Rove       as deputy director of the Office of Public Liaison, where he       coordinated       political links to the business community. Now, one year out of the       White       House, he's a senior partner in the lobbying firm of Fierce, Isakowitz       and       Blalock, boasting 33 major clients, 22 for whom he lobbies his former       colleagues in the White House. Indeed, the Bush White House boasts 12       former       lobbyists in responsible positions, from chief of staff Andrew Card       (American Automobile Association Manufacturers) on down.              "The number of registered lobbyists in Washington has more than       doubled       since 2000 to more than 34,750," reports the Washington Post, "while       the       amount that lobbyists charge their new clients has increased by as       much as       100 percent."              Macro- and microeconomic policies are subordinate to the circular       alliance       of oligarchy and oligopoly. Government expenditures have raced to the       fastest pace of increase under Bush since President Lyndon Johnson's       Great       Society. But the spending is not intended to prime the economic pump.       Nor is       it invested mainly in public goods such as infrastructure or schools;       nor is       it used to expand the standard of living of the middle and working       classes,       whose incomes and real wages are rapidly shrinking. Instead it is       poured       into military contracts and tax cuts heavily weighted to the very       wealthiest, who do not in turn invest in productive capital. As a       result,       the largest budget surplus in U.S. history has been transformed into       the       largest deficit, whose bonds are principally held by Asian banks, a       shift       that presages a strategic tilt of global power and long-term threat to       national security. The illusion that as the post-Cold War unipolar       power the       U.S. faces no countervailing forces is undermined by the       administration's       constantly draining deficits. Thus 21st century Republicanism reverses       the       policies that brought about the American century.              Under Ronald Reagan, the unanticipated consequences of supply-side       economics -- instead of tax cuts fostering increased government       revenues,       they blew a black hole in the budget -- has under Bush been a       conscious       policy following the Reagan lesson. The reason is to apply fiscal       pressure       on government, making its regulations more pliable for manipulation in       the       interest of oligopoly and therefore the Republican political class.       Just as       macroeconomic policy is the plaything of politics, so is microeconomic       policy. Environmental degradation, lowered public health and urban       neglect       are indifferent byproducts.              The Republican system is fundamentally unstable. Bush has no economic       policy       other than Republicanism. As the economic currents run toward an       indefinable       reckoning, the ship of state drifts downstream.                     [continued in next message]              --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05        * Origin: you cannot sedate... all the things you hate (1:229/2)    |
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