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|    talk.politics.european-union    |    The EU and political integration in Euro    |    25,589 messages    |
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|    Message 25,207 of 25,589    |
|    anywhere156@yahoo.co.uk to All    |
|    Greece and the Eurozone : holding tight     |
|    16 Jul 15 05:45:05    |
      https://livinginamadhouse.wordpress.com/2015/07/16/greece-and-th       -eurozone-holding-tight-to-nurse-for-fear-of-something-worse/              Greece and the Eurozone : holding tight to nurse for fear of something worse              Robert Henderson              The Greek referendum on the terms for a further financial bailout was       potentially a clever move by Alexis Tsipras and Syriza. If the result of the       referendum had been YES to the terms put forward to deal with the Greek       debt , Tsipras and his        government were off the hook for reneging on their election promises. If there       was a NO to the conditions, Tsipras could play the democracy card and       challenge the Eurozone to go against the democratic will of the Greek people       or simply walk away from        the mess and pass the poisoned chalice to his political opponents.              Having asked for a rejection of the terms offered by the Eurozone in the       referendum and got an emphatic 61% vote for rejection, Syriza could        have called the Euro elite's bluff from a position of strength. Regrettably       for Greece's hope of        recovery they have not had the courage to do so. Instead they have        humiliatingly capitulated by signing up to an even more severe austerity deal       than they could have concluded with the movers and shakers in the Eurozone a       fortnight ago. The stark        realpolitik of the situation was epitomised by the Greek prime minister        Alexis Tsipras appealing to the Greek Parliament to accept the deal with the       words "We don't believe in it, but we are forced to adopt it," The       Parliament accepted by his plea        by voting 229 for and 64 against, but it required support from the opposition       because over 30 Syriza MPs either voted against or abstained. From provisional       acceptance by the Greek government to acceptance by Parliament took three       days. Shotgun        marriages often take longer to arrange.              Greece is no longer in control of its economy or its political system. It is       having forced upon it huge changes to pensions and public sector salaries,       large privatisations, and perhaps most humiliating, to sell off EURO 50bn of       Greek assets , the        proceeds of which will be partially used to guarantee repayments on debts owed       to the EU and the IMF. The detailed new requirements are:              "To unlock a fresh EURO 82bn to EURO 86bn bail-out, Greece has until Wednesday       to pass laws that:              implement VAT hikes       cut pensions       take steps to ensure the independence of Greece's statistics office is       maintained       put measures in place to automatically slash spending if Greece fails to meet       its targets on primary surpluses (revenue minus expenditure excluding debt       servicing costs)       It has until July 22 (an extra week compared with a draft statement) to:              overhaul its civil justice system       implement the Bank Recovery and Resolution Directive (BRRD) to bring bank       resolution laws in line with the rest of the EU       Greek MPs will also have to stomach a move to sell off EURO 50bn of Greek       assets."              This is not the end of the matter. At best the Greek problem and the problems       of the Eurozone generally have been simply been kicked down the road. The       madness at the heart of this settlement is that Greece is being further       burdened by a huge amount of        extra debt when the general consensus amongst economists is that the       existing debt was more than Greece could ever hope to repay. Disobligingly       for the Europhile elite, the IMF has made it clear since the agreement       between Syriza and the Eurozone        that Greece requires a great deal of debt relief and that unless this is       forthcoming the IMF will not take part in the overseeing of the agreement.        But the agreement makes no provision for overt debt relief, although fiddling       with the period of        repayment and interest rates payable may reduce the real value overall debt       (principal and interest) somewhat. Nor is this position likely to change,       because some Eurozone countries, most notably Germany, are determined to       continue to resist overt        debt relief if Greece is to continue within the Eurozone. At the same time       Germany have made it clear that they want the IMF involved in the realisation       of the agreement. In addition to these obstacles all the other Eurozone       countries have got to sign        up to the agreement and this will require some countries, including Germany,        to get parliamentary approval to the terms. Germany's finance minister       Wolfgang Schäuble has even suggested that Greece leave the Euro for five years.              But even if the Eurozone votes collectively to accept the deal and the IMF        difficulty is overcome, there is no guarantee it will be realised for two       reasons. The Greek people may be driven by desperation to resort to serious       violence after they        realise that voting changes nothing in Greece and the severe austerity       programme takes effect , effects which are aggravated by the fact that        Greece has no real Welfare State. This could drive the Greek political class       to hold further elections with        the result that a government is elected which will not implement the deal.              More mundanely, Greece's politics and public services are severely       tainted by cronyism and corruption. The country may simply lack the       bureaucratic structures and expertise to implement the complicated and far       reaching reforms which are being        sought by the Eurozone.              The sad truth is that Greece is a second world country which has been       masquerading as a first world country. Before joining the Euro it got by       because it had its own currency and received very large dollops of money from       the richer members of the EU.        In those circumstances its lending was circumscribed by the fact that its       debt attracted a high rate of interest because it was seen as a bad risk.        Once Greece had smuggled itself into the Euro by falsifying its accounts, it       was treated as safe a bet        as Germany for creditors who rashly reasoned that the rest of the Eurozone       would ensure Greece did not default.              How difficult would it to be for Greece to re-establish the Drachma? The       Czechoslovakian split into the Czech Republic and Slovakia in 1993 provides a       reassuring example of how it might be done. Initially the two new countries       were going to share a        currency but within a matter of weeks they came to the conclusion that this       was unworkable and decided that each country should launch its own currency.       This was accomplished with very little trouble:                     [continued in next message]              --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05        * Origin: you cannot sedate... all the things you hate (1:229/2)    |
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